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Impeach: The Case Against Donald Trump Paperback – November 26, 2019
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INSTANT NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER
Why President Trump has left us with no choice but to remove him from office, as explained by celebrated Supreme Court lawyer and former Acting Solicitor General Neal Katyal.
No one is above the law. This belief is as American as freedom of speech and turkey on Thanksgiving—held sacred by Democrats and Republicans alike. But as celebrated Supreme Court lawyer and former Acting Solicitor General Neal Katyal argues in Impeach, if President Trump is not held accountable for repeatedly asking foreign powers to interfere in the 2020 presidential election, this could very well mark the end of our democracy. To quote President George Washington’s Farewell Address: “Foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.” Impeachment should always be our last resort, explains Katyal, but our founders, our principles, and our Constitution leave us with no choice but to impeach President Trump—before it’s too late.
- Print length224 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateNovember 26, 2019
- Dimensions5.31 x 0.6 x 8 inches
- ISBN-100358391172
- ISBN-13978-0358391173
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“A veteran Supreme Court lawyer presents the case for impeachment in a manner that adheres to the facts and the law without engaging in political spin . . . Essential reading for a key moment in our (currently) democratic nation.” —Kirkus Reviews, starred review "As concise and evenhanded a summation of the accusations currently weighing on the president (and the nation) as one can find between two covers." —Washington Post "Neal Katyal makes an unimpeachable case, concise but comprehensive, for impeachment." —New York Journal of Books —
About the Author
SAM KOPPELMAN is a senior speechwriter at Fenway Strategies, where he’s written for public officials, philanthropists, business leaders, and organizations working to make the world a better place. He has also been a speechwriter to former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and has written under his own name for publications including The Boston Globe and Harper's Magazine. Koppelman holds a B.A. in government from Harvard College, where he was named a John Harvard Scholar and worked as Op-Eds Editor for The Harvard Crimson.
Product details
- Publisher : Mariner Books (November 26, 2019)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 224 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0358391172
- ISBN-13 : 978-0358391173
- Item Weight : 6.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.31 x 0.6 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #573,036 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #498 in Political Corruption & Misconduct
- #687 in Democracy (Books)
- #721 in United States Executive Government
- Customer Reviews:
About the authors
SAM KOPPELMAN is a New York Times best-selling author, who served as Director of Surrogate Speechwriting on the Biden-Harris presidential campaign. He is also a Principal at Fenway Strategies, where he has spent half a decade telling the stories of leaders working to make the world a better place—and he’s written under his own name for publications including the New York Times, Time Magazine, and The Washington Post. Koppelman holds a B.A. in government from Harvard College, where he was named a John Harvard Scholar and wrote columns like “Shut Down Harvard Football” that he insists were great for his social life. Like many lifelong New Yorkers, he is in a toxic relationship with the Knicks.
The former Acting Solicitor General of the United States, Neal currently runs one of the largest Supreme Court practices in the world at Hogan Lovells, where he occupies the role formerly held by now Chief Justice John Roberts. He has extensive experience in Constitutional law and Criminal Law. He has orally argued 39 cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, with 37 of them in the last decade. At the age of 49, he has already argued more Supreme Court cases in U.S. history than any other minority attorney, breaking the record of Thurgood Marshall. Neal served as Acting Solicitor General during the Obama administration (the federal government's top courtroom lawyer) and was responsible for representing the federal government in all appellate matters before the U.S. Supreme Court and the Courts of Appeals throughout the nation. He also served in the Deputy Attorney General’s Office at the Justice Department as National Security Advisor. Additionally, Neal is a law professor with more than two decades of experience at the Georgetown University Law Center where he was one of the youngest professors to have received tenure and a chaired professorship in the university’s history. At Georgetown, Neal also serves as Faculty Chair of the Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection. Neal has also been a visiting professor at both Harvard and Yale law schools.
Neal has received most every award a lawyer can win. In December 2017, American Lawyer magazine named him The Litigator of the Year; he was chosen from all the lawyers in the United States, for being the top litigator for a two-year period. He earlier received the Edmund Randolph Award, the highest award the U.S. Justice Department can award a civilian, which the Attorney General presented to him in 2011. He has also been named one of the 40 Most Influential Lawyers of the Last Decade Nationwide by National Law Journal (2010); Appellate MVP by Law360 numerous times; winner of the Financial Times Innovative Lawyer Award for 2017 in two different categories (both private and public law).Neal has published dozens of scholarly articles in law journals, as well as many op-ed articles in such publications as the New York Times and the Washington Post and has testified numerous times before various committees of both the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate. He is a graduate of Yale Law School and Dartmouth College.
A frequent contributor to MSNBC and the New York Times, Neal has been named one of GQ’s Men of the Year and has appeared on virtually every major American news program, as well as House of Cards, where he played himself.
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Particularly, the contents of the book consist of 6 major chapters: (1) Introduction, (2) A Brief History of Impeachment, (3) The Evidence, (4) The Case Against President Trump, (5) Questions and Answers, and (6) Out of Many, One. In addition to Acknowledgments and information about the authors, there is a helpful Appendix that assembles The Whistleblower Complaint, The July 25th Call Summary, The Text Messages, and The White House Letter [from Counsel for the President regarding Congressional request for information and witness testimony].
Among my favorite parts included those pertaining to impeachment foundations and the argument for this President’s inditement and removal. For instance, USA Founders 2 greatest fears were that a President might (1) seek electoral interference from a foreign power and/ (2) break his oath of office through self-dealing and pursuit of personal profit. The “Yardstick Rule” provides a standard that both parties could use to gage whether a Presidential act is fundamentally wrong and at odds with American democracy (e.g. would Republicans have tolerated the same behavior that Trump has exhibited if done by Obama). Unlimited Presidential powers include: pardon power except in cases of Presidential impeachment; control of the DOJ along with direction not prosecute or charge anyone; ability to declassify government documents and materials; and execution of wartime authority where the President functions as commander in chief of the armed forces. In additional to purported Congressional oversight to provide checks and balances of Presidential powers, whistle blowers perform a critical function. In fact, the Whistleblower Act, which had its origins in events in 1778, states that “it is the duty of all persons in the service of the United States “. . to give the earliest information to Congress or other proper authority of any misconduct, frauds or misdemeanors committed [or suspected] by any officers or persons.”
Relevant to the current case, High Crimes include “soliciting foreign interference,” “bribery,” and “obstruction of justice.” According to pertinent documents and testimony it appears quite clear that President Trump did ask a foreign power for “favors” involving a quid pro quo. Namely, he sought information that CrowStrike/Ukraine hacked the US election, not Russia, and investigation of the Bidens/Barisma (Barr & Guliani to help). He conditioned sale of Javelin missiles, release of Congressional Approved Military Aid, and a meeting at the White House with Ukraine President Zelenskyy on that assistance. During this writing, we were awaiting a coherent case for Trump’s innocence and a fair trial in the US Senate with evidence and witnesses which unfortunately was not forthcoming.
Moreover, there are the seven recommendations for reform where such proposals do not seem to have appeared elsewhere as of yet. These reforms include: (1) Define Exchanging a "Thing of Value” Related to an Election (2) Ensure Financial Interest/Tax Transparency including that Presidents Must Release Tax Information, (3) Clarify and Institutionalize Special Council Regulations, (4) Curtail Statute of Limitations When a President is Accused of Crimes, (5) Mandate Required Recusal Based on Ethics Committee Guidelines Adopted by Both Major Political Parties, (6) Ban Presidential Interference with DOJ Criminal Investigations, and (7) Enable Both Parties to Investigate Crimes Involving a President (not just the majority). Each proposed change is presented in terms of rationale and related detail that would be needed to allow serious consideration and deliberation regarding adoption. Such material makes this book particularly valuable.
Possible related books (see my reviews) include The Mueller Report , Stephens-Davidowitz’s Everybody Lies: Big Data, New Data, and What the Internet Can Tell Us About Who We Really Are (i.e. watch “what they do not what they say” actual behavior as revealed by big data such as searches in Google), Gladstone’s The Trouble with Reality: A Rumination on Moral Panic in Our Time , and Kissinger’s World Order (especially his chapters that relate to elections and marketing as well as his characterization of Russia).
Get this book to help examine the facts and case regarding this impeachment as part of history as well as reforms regarding such activities in the future since that seems to be the best hope at this point.
If you are on the fence if what Trump did with Ukraine rises to the ‘high crimes and misdemeanors’ and should be convicted and removed, you should read this book! This is a nonpartisan lawyer and is basing his premise and outcomes on the facts and the history of the constitution.
Again, it is accessible and I believe this book will be taught in schools in years to come. I know this reader feels so much more informed about history and so much smarter as a result.
In the eve of the most historic time in our lifetime this is a must read and do! Thanks for reading! It's a quick read, a few hours of your day:)
Reviewed in the United States on January 21, 2020
If you are on the fence if what Trump did with Ukraine rises to the ‘high crimes and misdemeanors’ and should be convicted and removed, you should read this book! This is a nonpartisan lawyer and is basing his premise and outcomes on the facts and the history of the constitution.
Again, it is accessible and I believe this book will be taught in schools in years to come. I know this reader feels so much more informed about history and so much smarter as a result.
In the eve of the most historic time in our lifetime this is a must read and do! Thanks for reading! It's a quick read, a few hours of your day:)
More important it relates this to the impeachment inquiry of President Trump and walks you through the evidence that was then available. The evidence that has come to light since its publication only strengthen their case for why President Trump should be impeached
It also does two more things that are important.
First, it offers some recommendation on what changes can be made in our laws and procedures to prevent this situation from recurring.
Second, it provides appendices of the Whistleblower Complaint , the memos of the Trump-Zelensky call , which people should read to make their own determination of the nature of the call, the texts provided by Ambassador Volker and the White House Counsel’s letter setting out a sweeping executive power and a refusal to cooperate.
These Appendices should be must reading for anyone regardless of which side you have taken or if you are just confused about what has transpired.
Top reviews from other countries
Historical context from the Constitutional discussions on whether impeachment should be in or out, and under what circumstances.
Some ongoing context of legal decisions since that time.
Clear discussion of what is, and is not, an impeachable offence, including the fuzziness.
Point by damning point identification of Trump's words and actions, and how they are clear and unavoidable grounds for his impeachment.
Informative comparison and contrast to other presidential impeachment movements--most especially Nixon's, and the parallels between the two.
Detailed outlines of the steps others in his gang have taken to camouflage or conceal the proofs.
Clear identification of the consequences of NOT impeaching Trump.
Specific and well-argued recommendations for legislative changes to prevent a reocurrence of such behaviours.
I had always thought the Russian entanglement was more serious than this mess with a much smaller country (Ukraine), but in terms of impeachment, this is a no-brainer. Trump broke all precedent, many laws.
The move to hide or obliterate the electronic record of the calls is even worse than Rosemary's wandering foot on the Nixon tapes--this was blatantly and unapologetically a complete violation of law (let alone ethics).
I assume that the quid pro quo tactics Trump felt were fine in an exchange with a foreign government were just normal business practice, in his long experience. He never has appeared to have the faintest grasp of the fact that a country's government is an entirely different thing from a business.
For the first time, I understand WHY waiting for the next election is not the answer: throw the bums out, by all means, but do it through law--because, as Katyal outlines, there is every evidence that the bums will not go under any other circumstance. They have twisted and corrupted and bent and broken so many legal and practical processes--why in the wide world would anyone assume they would not do the same thing (again) to another election process?
I only ever assign five stars to a book that is, to me, world-changing.
I can't recommend this book highly enough.
Katyal looks at the law and how it had developed historically as regards the Constitution and the powers of the President. He makes it very clear by logical argument that we have a lawless President who is only interested in himself and his family. Their interests supersede the nation's interests and the planet's health in Trump's eyes and actions. No president has blocked witnesses and all documentation into a Congress inquiry before. Obviously if Trump was innocent of charges he would have carried the stuff over to them himself.
I read the book before Trump ordered the assassination of the Iranian leader in Iraq. Imagine if Iran had killed several including Mike Pompeo leaving a plane in Heathrow by drone. This would have been seen as an act of war by both the US and UK. I don't know how the US has been declared as the World's policeman. This obviously gives them the right to go anywhere in the world and do whatever they want. I never got a vote on this.
Hopefully the lily-livered Republicans in the Senate read this book and develop a backbone.
Outstanding book?